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Nativist, right-wing, populist parties have long used the EU as a “rhetorical punching bag,” pinning a myriad of domestic struggles onto what they perceive as an overbearing, elite-driven project. Consequently, Euroscepticism has only grown within EU nations, with no country more conspicuous in this trend than the UK. As the 2024 European election approaches, this trend is on track to crystallise as Identity and Democracy (ID) and the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), parliamentary groups representing the far-right, are set to take power of the centrist groupings such as Macron’s Renew Europe. However, despite their resentment of the EU, far-right parties paradoxically benefit from EU elections in the domestic setting. Before examining this proposition, I will first concisely assess why the far-right is burgeoning in Europe.
To get a better understanding on the workings of the EU elections, please see the below video:
Macron's Renew Europe is a centrist and pro-European political group in the European Parliament, dedicated to promoting EU integration, economic reform, and progressive policies.
The surge of the Far-Right
Globalisation and the spread of permissive values, referred to in the literature as ‘post-modernist’ values, have created and expanded a large constituent of “losers” amongst the electorate, which over decades has created an increasingly polarised political environment over not just ideology and policy, but identity too. This environment is fertile ground for right-wing populists, who tap into this resentment for the status quo, presenting themselves as “one of the people” and pledging to return their nation-state to its former glory, which translates to reversing the diversity of the population in most cases. The two main issues focused on by the far-right in Europe are immigration, which has increasingly become a global concern since the 2015 migration crisis, and climate mitigation efforts, which have begun to draw the ire of many voters and farmers who feel these ‘liberal gimmicks’ are costing them their livelihoods, leading to the ‘green wedge’ becoming a key political battleground.
Such issues are set to dictate the outcome of the 2024 European elections. While these issues and the support they generate for far-right parties are present in most European countries, exemplified by the rise of the AfD in Germany, the European elections may accentuate such trends and exaggerate the support for parties on the political fringes. This is because European elections are “second-order elections” [Reif and Schmitt 1980], whereby turnout tends to be lower, and voters cast their ballot less strategically than in national elections because there is less at stake. For example, far-right parties are topping the polls for the upcoming European elections in Austria, Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands and Poland.
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) is a right-wing populist political party known for its Eurosceptic, anti-immigration, and nationalist positions which is becoming increasingly more popular across Germany.
Check out this great read on how the AfD appears to be the strongest German party on TikTok.
Why the domestic benefit?
Intuitively, there is an affinity between Eurosceptic parties and resentment towards anything related to the EU, principally their elections. However, far-right parties which are still seen to be on the political fringes domestically in many countries have a chance to gain legitimacy and financial resources as they win seats and power in the European Parliament (EP), which translates to enhanced domestic performance.
As far-right parties - such as the AfD, the National Rally, and the FPÖ - gain seats in the EP, their march out of the political fringes is spurred on. This is partly because they receive increased media coverage and photo opportunities in serious political scenarios surrounded by reputable figures. Additionally, if the polls are correct, the ID and ECR will also gain more power in the European Parliament’s committees and influence over the EU’s policy agenda, furthering their constituent members' images as mainstream, legitimate political parties. This erodes the ability of traditional parties to “gate-keep” access to the highest offices, increasing the political power of far-right parties in their domestic settings.
Moreover, whilst the importance of financial resources varies by country as different electoral funding rules are in place, money always impacts political success. European electoral success translates to growing membership bases and individual donations, such as the AfD’s 96.5% increase in membership from 2013 to 2019, in part due to their success in the 2019 European elections where they obtained 11% of the vote. The impact of European elections on the financial status of parties is further exemplified by Reform UK, the successor to UKIP, which has recently cited economic difficulties, partly due to their inability to display political success in Europe since Brexit. Finally, the legitimacy and financial aid resulting from European electoral success can aid far-right parties in gaining seats in domestic legislatures, which grants these parties access to state-funded subsidies, further entrenching them as mainstream political parties.
Dangers of the domestic growth of the Far-Right
As established, European elections are a boon to far-right parties due to the increased legitimacy and financial resources that arise from electoral success. However, it is important to highlight the cardinal threat posed by the far-right to liberal democracy, as their polarising rhetoric brings rise to would-be autocrats, such as Viktor Orbán who has done untold damage to Hungarian democracy. Therefore, whilst the link between EU elections and the far-right is intriguing, the serious political repercussions must not be overlooked, with citizens and mainstream parties paramount to preventing democratic backsliding.
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